Social Constructions Of Tuberculosis Sociology Essay

Social Constructions Of Tuberculosis Sociology Essay Even in the twenty-first century tuberculosis is a major public health concern, with an estimated 8.9 million new cases and 1.7 million deaths in 2004 Dye, 2006. TB is an infectious disease caused by a bacterium called Mycobacterium tuberculosis and it primary affects the lungs however it can also affect organs in the circulatory system, nervous system and lymphatic system as well as others. Commonly in the majority of cases an individual contracts the TB bacterium which then multiplies in the lungs often causing pneumonia along with chest pain, coughing up blood and a prolonged cough. As the bacterium spreads to other parts of the body, it is often interrupted by the bodys immune system. The immune system forms scar tissue or fibrosis around the TB bacteria and this helps fight the infection and prevents the disease from spreading throughout the body and to other people. If the bodys immune system is unable to fight TB or if the bacteria breaks through the scar tissue, the disease r eturns to an active state with pneumonia and damage to kidneys, bones, and the meninges that line the spinal cord and brain (Crosta, 2012). Thus, TB is generally classified as either latent or active; latent TB is the state when bacteria are present in the body however presents no systems therefore is inactive and not contagious. Whereas, active TB is contagious and can consists of numerous aforementioned symptoms. This essay will attempt to illustrate the ways in which social constructions of TB reflect wider socio-cultural values within contemporary global society. In the first part I will examine the historical context of TB and its link with poverty which continues on in present time. Secondly, I will explore the stigmatism and isolation with TB and finally I will relate the social construction of TB with the work of Emile Durkheim. It is important to recognise the geographical disparities in the prevalence of TB. For example, countries such as Australia have a relatively low incidence of the disease with new cases primarily being identified in migrant populations a decade after their settlement. In some European nations with substantial public healthcare facilities, TB continues to be a problem particularly within large thriving cities such as London. This disproportionate increase in disease incidence compared with other community groups and national rates can be found in those who are socially disadvantaged including homeless, drug and alcohol addicted, people with HIV, prisoner populations as well as refugees and migrantsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ (Smith, 2009: 1). This demonstrates the negative connotations society denotes to TB infected individuals as well as suggesting that in order to better understand the social construction of TB, the history of the bacterium needs to be explored. In 1882 Koch isolated the Mycoba cterium tuberculosis and it was acknowledged that the disease was spread through overcrowded conditions, insufficient nutrition and a penurious lifestyle. It can be argued that TB has been constructed in two main ways: socially and biologically. Biologically through science as an organism and socially by the community as a slow wasting death that was often associated with pale individuals being removed from the community (Smith, 2009: 1). Throughout history TB has been ambiguously represented. Much of the Western nineteenth century fictional literature highly romanticized the disease and reinforced the prevailing practices and beliefs. Often referred to as consumption; people were described as being consumed and exhausted by the disease as symptoms were assumed to be individuals looking delicate, pale and drained of energy. Treatment during this period in history mirrored these romanticised notions. Medical care was commonly described as a combination of fresh air, companionship and rest. In contrast, many non-European countries negatively popularised TB as part of vampire myths as people tried to make sense of the disease symptoms (Smith, 2010). As a result, diseased bodies were exhumed and ritually burnt to remove vampires existence (Smith, 2009: 1). This demonstrates the contrasting representations of TB within differing societies, suggesting that the hegemonic socio-cultural values of a disease in this case TB pla ys a crucial role in the social representations of a disease. As well as illustrating the importance of considering the impact of spatial and temporal differences. Following the identification of the disease the discovery of streptomycin and other anti-tuberculosis medications quickly emerged. This gave the impression that TB was no longer a major health problem but instead incurable and controllable. Despite being important for treating TN, streptomycin, isoniazid and other anti-tuberculosis drugs contained limits for treatment. Resistance quickly developed and resistant strains of the bacterium quickly emerged limiting the use of many drugs. Consequently, to stop resistance several of the anti- TB drugs are required in combination and need to be taken for a period between 6 months and two years during therapy (Gandy and Zumla, 2002). However, recent outbreaks of multi-drug (MDR) TB have once again brought the disease to the forefront of global health problems. MDR TB is said to have emerged due to inadequate treatment of TB, commonly due to over- prescribing or improper prescribing of anti-TB drugs. Problems with treatment generally occur in immunocompromised patients, such as malnourished patients and Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) patients (Craig et al., 2007). In addition, it can be observed that the increase in TB closely reflects the rise cases of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and AIDS globally. Frequently, individuals with immune disorders are not only more likely to contract and develop TB, they are also more likely to be in contact with other TB patients due to often being placed in special wards and clinics, where the disease is easily spread to others (Gray, 1996: 25). In 2009, 12% of over 9 million new TB cases worldwide were HIV-positive, equalling approximately 1.1 million people (WHO, 2010). One of the most significantly affected countries is South Africa, where 73% of all TB cases are HIV-positive (Padarath and Fonn, 2010). Furthermore, in the early twentieth century improved medical knowledge and technology allowed for better diagnosis. During this period words such as contagion and plagues were popularly used in negative terms in association to judge societies. TB was reported as a form of societal assessment, infecting the bad and the good being disease free. A number of reports suggest a sense of apprehension became apparent as differing tuberculosis beliefs began to emerge (Smith, 2009: 1). This highlights the importance of social representations in terms of common terms associated with a disease play in the social constructions of TB. Moreover, it could be argued that peoples perceptions of a disease are not only shaped by their direct experiences and the impressions received from others but also significantly through media representations of the disease (Castells, 1998). It is important to recognise the symbiotic relationship between media representations of a disease and the dominant public disc ourses. It should be acknowledged that the term discourse has multiple meanings, nevertheless this essay will employ Luptons (1992) assessment that discourse as a set of ideas or a patterned way of thinking which can be discerned within texts and identified within wider social structures. The discourses that are founded and circulated by the media (mainly newspapers) can be regarded as working to produce what Foucault (1980) calls particular understandings about the world that are accepted as truth (Waitt, 2005). Thus in the process of disseminating such truths, it could be argued that the media as a collective and commercial institution is implicated in governing populations. Meaning that the power of the media can (directly or indirectly) influence the conduct of its audiences (Lawrence et al., 2008: 728). This illustrates that media representations of a disease (TB) impact and are themselves influenced by dominant societal discourses thus helping to shape the social constructions of TB. Moreover, it could be argued that there is strong link between those associated with TB and stigmatism and isolation as well as poverty and dirt (Scambler, 1998). Historically, TB was romanticised and referred to as consumption, however once its infectious nature was recognised this notion quickly changed. By the early twentieth century, the prevailing social and cultural values at the time generally believed that the disease festered in environments of dirt and squalor and was known as the diseases of the poor which could then be spread to the middle and upper classes. However, by the twenty-first century this discourse shifted from the poor (although marginalised groups such as the homeless and those with AIDS were still implicated) to the role played by Third World populations in harbouring the disease which threatens to explode into the developed world (Lawrence et al., 2008: 729). This demonstrates that as societys socio-cultural values change the way in which disease is constru cted and perceived also changes. It is important to consider the ways which these socio-cultural values change as well as acknowledge the interlinked relationship between dominant discourses, media representations and prevailing socio-cultural values. The relationship between TB and poverty has been recognised (Elender, Bentham and Langford, 1998) and arguably may not only reflect medical and social characteristics of poor individuals, but also characteristics of housing and neighbourhood which foster airborne spread of TB infection, such as crowding and poor ventilation. Population groups with an increased prevalence of latent infection (such as new immigrants) are disproportionately found in poor areas- often with lower quality housing (Wanyeki et al,. 2006: 501). This illustrates that not only socio-cultural values influence the social constructions of TB but socio-economic factors such as income and housing play a key role too. Additionally, it is important to recognise the global disparities with TB. For example, Dodor et al (2008) argue that in countries where treatment for TB is not readily available, the disease has become highly stigmatised and infected individuals are exceedingly discriminated. According to Link and Phelan (2001) stigma arises when a person is identified by a label that sets the person apart and prevailing cultural beliefs link the person to undesirable stereotypes that result in loss of status and discrimination (Gerrish, Naisby and Ismail, 2012: 2655). This can be illustrates in common cases where people with TB often isolate themselves in order to avoid infecting others may try to hide their diagnosis to reduce the risk of being shunned (Baral et al,. 2007). From research in Thailand, Johansson et al. (2000) distinguish two main forms of stigma; one based on social discrimination and second on fear from self-perceived stigma. Furthermore, patients commonly experience social isolati on in family sphere where they are obligated to eat and sleep separately (Baral et al,. 2007). This is a common case in countries such as India where little factual knowledge exists about the causes and treatments of TB and access to the necessary healthcare is diminutive (Weiss and Ramakrishna, 2006). As well as many rural communities where knowledge is passed through previous generations; stigmatism and isolation related to TB is substantial- representing the social cultural beliefs of the community. It is important to recognise that the stigma and its associated discrimination have a significant impact on disease control (Macq, Solis and Martinez, 2006). Concern about being identified as someone with TB can potentially put off people who suspect they have TB to get proper diagnosis and treatment. These delays in diagnosis and treatment mean that people remain infectious longer thus are more likely to transmit the disease to others (Mohamed at al,. 2011). In a study conducted by Balasubramanian, Oommen and Samuel (2000) in Kerala, India stated that stigma and fears about being identified with TB were responsible for 28% of patients and this was a significantly greater problem for women (50%) than men (21%). This illustrates those socio- cultural values, for example the gender inequality highly present in Indian societies has a crucial impact on the social construction of TB. Also, in another study of social stigma related to TB conducted in Maharashtra, India, showed that stigma and discrimination of the disease resulted in late diagnosis and treatment. Moranker et al,. (2000) found that 38 out of 80 patients they studies (40 women and 40 men) reported to actively attempting to hide their disease from the community. Social vulnerability contributed to womens reticence to disclose TB, and such women were typically widows or married and living with joint families (Weiss, Ramakrishna and Somma, 2006: 281). This demonstrates the extent to which negative socio-cultural beliefs and values about TB can help to construct the disease- in terms of diagnosis, treatment and contagion. Emile Durkheims (1915) work can help to better understand the argument that social constructions of TB reflect wider socio-cultural values. One of Durkheims core arguments was his claim that the ideas of time, space, class, cause and personality are constructed out of social elements. This allows us to examine the human body not only as a reflection of social elements but it draws attention to changes over time. Durkheims idea that space and classification are socially constructed stems from the collective experience of the social group. According to Durkheim the fundamental social division is dualistic in that one is between the social group and the other not the social group; which he applied to religion resulted in the sacred and the profane. This central framework can then be used to various ways of viewing the world. Simply put as one geographic space could be labelled as A and another as not A. Social anthropologist Mary Douglas (1966) extended this Durkheimian vision and disce rned that: far from a chasm separating the sacred and profane, as Durkheim had argued, there was a potential space which existed outside the classification system: this unclassified space polluted the purity of classification and was therefore seen as potentially dangerousà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦Douglass analysis of purity and danger can equally be applied to the rules underpinning public health which are concerned with maintaining hygiene. The basic rule of hygiene is that some things are clean and others are dirty and therefore dangerous. Danger arises primarily from objects existing outside the classification system and therefore by determining what is dangerous and where it comes from it is possible to reconstruct the contemporary classification system (Armstrong, 2012: 16-17). This illustrates the essays central argument that social constructions of TB reflect wider socio- cultural values- meaning that till present day in many parts of the world TB is still perceived as an unknown variable and thus outside of societys normal classification system therefore is commonly professed synonymously with connotations of danger and dirt. These results in significant stigmatism, isolation and discrimination associated with individuals with TB (Heijnders and Van Der Meij, 2006). Furthermore, this highlights the fluid nature of social constructions of TB- meaning that since societies change over time so do their values and beliefs resulting in changes in the ways in which disease are socially constructed. Therefore, in order to fully understand how social constructions of TB reflect wider socio-cultural values, the historical context in which these factors are based and the dominant discourses must be considered. For example, in the mid nineteenth century public health, mainly relied on quarantine as a preventative method, slowly began to classify new sources of danger in objects and processes such as faeces, urine, contaminated food, smelly air, masturbation, dental sepsis, etc. The prevailing public health strategy at the time of Sanitary Science; which monitored objects entering the body (air, food, water) or leaving it (faeces, urine, etc.). Whereas, in the twentieth century new sources of danger emerged including venereal disease and TB .Thus, a new public health regime of Interpersonal Hygiene developed. Interpersonal Hygiene identified the new dangers not as emerging from nature and threatening body boundaries but as arising from other human bodies. TB, which had been a disease of insanitary conditions in the nineteenth century, became a disease of human contact, of coughing and sneezing (Armstrong, 2012: 18). This further demonstrates the changing and interlinking relationship between socio-cultural values and social constructions of TB. In conclusion, this essay has attempted to explore the various ways in which social constructions of TB reflects wider socio-cultural values in contemporary global society, by briefly examining the history of the disease and its prevalence in present time. As well as exploring the relationship between TB and poverty- statistically it can be observed that individuals with TB often belong to marginalised social groups and economically impoverished groups. Also, global disparities of TB prevalence was noted demonstrating that since each society is different and has varying socio-cultural beliefs and in lieu of the social constructionist theory this essay has adopted it could be argued that each society has its own particular social construction of TB influenced by its unique socio-cultural beliefs. This may be problematic given that if social constructions of TB are diverse but TB is perceived as a global health problem thus requiring global action then the nuances between the diverse s ocial constructions of TB will be overlooked thereby arguably hindering the possibility of improving TB diagnosis and treatment. This also points to the need for not only considering the medical sphere of TB but also if we argue that TB is socially constructed then it is important to recognise the need for including the social aspects to health policies. Furthermore, this essay examined the link between TB and stigmatism, isolation and discrimination through time and present day. Establishing that there are two main types of stigma associated with people with TB; self-stigmatism and societal stigmatism. Both are results of the negative connotations TB has held throughout time. Also, I briefly examined the role media representations play on the social construction of TB- particularly newspapers where the reader is viewed as an active agent. Finally, I utilised Emile Durkheims work to better understand and link the arguments presented in the essay. Durkheim states that ideas of time, space, class, personality are all produced with social elements. This highlights the argument that not only does the social construction of TB reflect wider socio-cultural values but that these values change over time thus the social construction of TB also correspondingly changes. Word Count: 2997

Socratic Seminar Questions

English 1-2 1984 Socratic Seminar Questions 3. Reading and writing for pleasure promotes independent thought, but it is not dangerous. It lets you express how you are really feeling inside. It is something private that you decide whether or not someone may look at it. In the beginning of the book 1984, Winston writes in his notebook. He hesitated about it for a while before he actually began writing. He let out what was going through his mind, it was going really well but then he suddenly stopped writing. The thought that he could get caught terrified him. Big Brother considers writing and reading for pleasure to be dangerous.If people were to read and write they would realize what has been going on, and this would bring an end to Big Brother. 4. Revisionism still exists today, and we have been victims of it without us even knowing. When we were younger we would learn about Christopher Columbus and how he sailed on three ships and how he reached the Americas were he kindly greeted th e Native Americans. But is this really what happened? What they didn’t tell us was how Columbus committed genocide. He deliberately slaughtered so many of these indigenous people. Him and his crew raped, tortured, burned, and killed these Natives.We have been victims of revisionist history. I do agree that knowledge of history is powerful. If you are able to control history, you control the past. In 1984 Winston works in the Ministry of Truth were he changes the history to make it seem like Big Brother is always right. That is why the people had a blind fold over their eyes. They couldn’t realize what was really going because of the rewriting of history. 6. Thought crime, according to the book 1984 is thinking of anything that the Thought Police and the Party says is illegal. Illegal is anything that creates individuality. Individuality for the party is not good.I do believe a form of â€Å"thoughtcrime† exists in our society today. We have our own way of thinki ng that might not go along with what society or the government believes. The government has laws that many people do not agree with. But we really can’t do anything about it. We have our own thoughts that the government may not like, but the government can’t do anything about that either. 5. In the book 1984 technology helps the Party control Oceania. Today technology functions through television, radio, phones, cameras, satellites, and the internet. I believe it is used for evil. Yes, technology an be very helpful, but is it really needed? Back in time people didn’t have much technology and they were still happy. Technology now a day is used for evil things. Many people cyber bully. Because of cyber bullying many children have committed suicide. This is what technology has led to. Music is also a big part in technology that is very influential in technology. The music we hear daily have messages behind them. Most of the music is about sex, revenge, getting drun k, doing drugs, and many other things. This is what our brain is recording, these messaged are in our head. That is why I think technology can be evil.

Globalization Of The American Style Fast Food - 900 Words

Globalization is one of the most popular issues that have been discussed through the world by the sociologist for decades.(James A. D, Dick. P, Yongseok Seo 2006) According to John Tomlinson’s (Tomlinson 2006) cognition of globalization. He interprets that: â€Å"Globalization is a complex process because it involves rapid social change that is occurring simultaneously across a number of dimensions – in the world economy, in politics, in communications, in the physical environment and in culture – and each of these transformations interact with the others.†(p. 1) As far as I am concerned, globalization is happening around daily life. For example, McDonalds, they start from a small restaurant in California to one of the world’s leading food service retailers, with more than 35000 restaurants in more than a hundred countries.(McDonald 2014) McDonalds spread the American style fast food worldwide. This can be seen as a globalization of food culture. Since the societies are becoming more and more alike nowadays and leading to a phenomenon known as globalization. Some people afraid that globalization will lead to the loss of cultural identify while some think it can have a good impact on the societies. Based on the book《Golden Arches East: McDonald’s in East Asia》which indicates the advantages of the food globalization by providing the view that it is not only spreading the food culture but also blending with the locals and the documentary《Super SizeShow MoreRelatedHow Does Globalization Affect Cultural Traditions in the Arabic Communities?923 Words   |  4 PagesThe modern phenomena of globalization is having effects on Arab cultural traditions in Arab communities in many ways, like in language, education, media and customs. Globalization is making the world becoming a global village and the result is Arab communities cultural traditions are changing and are threaten to be lost . 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Family Tree and Genealogy of Actor James Stewart

Beloved American actor Jimmy Stewart was born to typical small-town roots in Indiana, Pennsylvania, where his father owned the local hardware store. His fathers Western Pennsylvania roots date back to 1772 when Jimmys third great-grandfather Fergus Moorhead first arrived in what is now Indiana County. His mothers roots also stretch back to 1770s Pennsylvania. First Generation James Maitland STEWART, the oldest and only son of Alexander Stewart and Elizabeth Ruth Jackson, was born on 20 May 1908 in his parents home at 975 Philadelphia Street in Indiana, Pennsylvania. The family soon expanded to include two sisters, Mary and Virginia. Jimmys father, Alex (pronounced Alec) owned the local hardware store in town, J.M. Stewart Co. Jimmy Stewart married Gloria Hatrick in Brentwood, Los Angeles, California, on 9 August 1949. Second Generation (Parents) Alexander M. STEWART was born on 19 May 1872 in Indiana County, Pennsylvania and died 28 Dec 1961 in Indiana Co., PA.Elizabeth Ruth JACKSON was born on 16 Mar 1875 in Indiana Co., PA and died 2 Aug 1953. Alexander M. STEWART and Elizabeth Ruth JACKSON were married in Indiana Co., PA on 19 Dec 1906 and had the following children: Jimmy Maitland STEWARTMary Wilson STEWART was born in Indiana Co., PA in 1912Virginia Kelly STEWART was born in Indiana Co., PA in 1915 Third Generation (Grandparents): James Maitland STEWART was born in Pennsylvania on 24 May 1839 and died on 16 Mar 1932.Virginia KELLY was born in Pennsylvania about 1847 and died before 1888. James Maitland STEWART married twice. First, he married Virginia Kelly and they had the following children: Ralph STEWART was born in Pennsylvania on Oct 1869Alexander M. STEWARTErnest Taylor STEWART was born in Pennsylvania Sep 1874 Following the death of his first wife, Virginia, James Maitland STEWART married Martha A. about 1888. Samuel McCartney JACKSON was born in Sep 1833 in PennsylvaniaMary E. WILSON was born in Nov 1844 in Pennsylvania Samuel McCartney JACKSON and Mary E. WILSON were married about 1868, and had the following children: Mary Gertrude Jackson was born abt 1861 in PALizzie Virginia Jackson was born abt 1862 in PAFrank Wilson Jackson was born abt 1870 in PAJohn H. Jackson was born abt Aug 1873 in PAElizabeth Ruth JACKSONMary E Jackson was born abt 1877 in PAEmily L. Jackson was born abt Apr 1882 in PA

Mental Illness A Mental Disorder - 1033 Words

What is it like to live with a mental illness? A mental illness can be caused by a substance abuse, a hereditary problem, and injuries or defects related to the brain. Having a mental illness gives sensations and thoughts as if one were insane and in need of an asylum. Living with a mental illness is difficult because people tend to feel alone in the world. It truly is a sad and desperate feeling. Sometimes, it even seems to be the worst feeling in the world. Anxious feelings, or anxiety disorders, are a type of mental illnesses amongst others. Millions of people all around the world suffer from anxiety disorders. This disorder is an extremely common mental illnesses. These disorders create terrifying feelings in a person. They â€Å"cause†¦show more content†¦The mind is working nonstop, thinking and thinking and thinking, but at the same time, it feels as if the mind is blank and all that is felt is fear. Treatment is highly needed for severe panic disorders because they can lead to a loss of control in one’s life. The treatments for panic disorder are: drug medications and therapy, or â€Å"psychotherapy.† The medicines, which are most commonly used, are antidepressants, anti-anxiety, and rarely, also â€Å"beta-blockers.† These medications do help, but they can either begin working right away or in a few days, or weeks. Also, like any other medication, they have the typical side effects, such as: nausea and headaches. Someone who takes antidepressants needs to be observed strictly because side effects may be suicidal. Psychotherapy is just like any other therapy, in which the person is taught how to control their disorder and think differently (Nimh.nih.gov). Obsessive Compulsive Disorders, or OCD for short, is another anxiety disorder that has â€Å"repetitive, ritualized behaviors† that one feels forced to do. These behaviors have thoughts that tend to be â€Å"uncontrollable, unwanted† (Helpguide.org). These thoughts consist of inappropriate images, â€Å"extensive focus,† fear, superstitions, and perfection. This disorder is compulsive because the mind causes a person to repeatedly â€Å"react† to something in a desperate, compulsive way. Physical behaviors of this disorder are to excessively

The Hero And The Crown Part Two Chapter 16 Free Essays

SHE COULD NOT THINK where she was when she awoke. She was sitting in a tall wooden chair, and a fire burned in a hearth not far from her outstretched feet; and she was in a hall so vast she could not see the ceiling. It was not until Luthe walked between her and the hearth, to lay another log on the fire, that she remembered all that had passed; and she sighed. We will write a custom essay sample on The Hero And The Crown Part Two Chapter 16 or any similar topic only for you Order Now He turned to her at once, his face still solemn and frowning. â€Å"Talat?† she said, as if he was always the first thing on her mind. Luthe, exasperated, said: â€Å"If you have so little faith in my ability to look after one fat, elderly, self-centered stallion, then I will show you proof.† He leaned over her again and picked her up, and strode out of the great grey hall. â€Å"I can walk,† said Aerin, with dignity. â€Å"No, you can’t,† said Luthe over the top of her head, â€Å"although at some date in the near future you will have the opportunity to relearn.† He set her down, finally, on her own feet, at the edge of a wide unfenced meadow; several brown cows grazed in it, and at its farthest edge she saw one or two deer raise their heads and look toward her; but they did not seem alarmed. Then she heard Talat’s great ringing neigh, and he galloped up to them, coming to a sliding halt at the last minute (Luthe muttered something that sounded like â€Å"Show-off†), and slobbered green and purple down her shirt. â€Å"Horses,† said Luthe with disgust; but she took a step away from his steadying hand to wrap an arm over Talat’s non-existent withers. â€Å"Here, then,† said Luthe. â€Å"You can be of some use.† He boosted her onto Talat’s well-rounded back and walked off. â€Å"This way,† he said over his shoulder, and Talat pricked his ears and followed docilely. But Luthe’s long legs covered the ground at a good pace, and Talat had to stretch himself to keep up, for he would lose his dignity if he broke into a trot; and so his ears eased half back in disapproval of so rude a speed. Aerin laughed her small half-laugh, that she would not cough. They came soon to the edge of a wide silver lake. Aerin blinked her dim eyes, for it was hard to determine where the land ended and the water began; the stones of the shore were a barely flatter, duller grey than the water’s gleaming surface. Talat stopped when his hoofs crunched on pebbles; it was the worst sort of footing for a horse with an unreliable leg. Luthe continued to the very edge of the water, and as he stopped just before he got his feet wet, the water gave a sudden little gloop and ripple, and a small outthrust finger of water reached out and splashed his toes. Luthe muttered something under his breath and the water replied by hunching itself up into ridges, and several tiny wave-edges crept humbly up the shoreline, but none quite touched his feet. â€Å"Here,† called Luthe. She slid off Talat’s back, but found within two steps that Luthe had been right, she really couldn’t walk. She sank down where she had been standing, and Talat crunched up beside her and lowered his nose for her hand, his ears saying anxiously, â€Å"It’s all my fault – I don’t really mind these wretched small stones – do please stand up again and I’ll carry you.† Then Luthe was kneeling beside her, and he lifted her in his arms again; his hands were wet to the elbows. He set her down, carefully, by the lake’s edge, and the water shouldered up in small ripples again, and flung itself up the stones toward her as if curious; but it did not quite touch her. Luthe dipped his hands into the water again, and held the leaky cup to her lips. â€Å"Drink,† he said. â€Å"Is this another sleeping draught?† she said, trying to smile; but he only looked sad and grim. â€Å"No,† he said. The water dripped on her leg, and its touch through the cloth was somehow personal, soothing like the hand of a friend. She drank awkwardly, over his thumb, and the water was silver, almost white, even against Luthe’s pale skin; and it was faintly sweet, and cold, and wild, somehow, wild with a wildness she could not put a name to beyond just that: wild. It seemed to course down her throat of its own volition, and foam up in her stomach. She looked up and met Luthe’s blue frowning gaze as he bowed over her and his cupped hands. She said, â€Å"What is – ? Not water,† and then he and the lake and the taste of the water on her tongue disappeared; but just before her mind spiraled away after them she felt hands clamp on her shoulders, wet hands, for she could feel the damp through her sleeves, and these hands dragged her to her feet, â€Å"Aerin,† came a voice from very far away, and then she no longer had feet, or ears either. Aerin. Her lungs were on fire like a swimmer’s too far underwater, and she clawed her way toward the surface, and toward the voice that still called her name; and it seemed that her face broke the surface of the water which held her, and for a moment she lay gasping. The voice again. Aerin. She opened her eyes, and she was not on the shores of a silver lake, though a tall man stood before her, calling her name, and offering her a goblet. Drink, he said. She reached to take the goblet; reached out to take it with her left hand, and noticed with mild surprise that the arm was unscarred and strong. Ah, she thought wisely, I am dreaming again; but she paused before she took the goblet, and looked around her. She stood in a wide chamber that at first she thought was round, till she realized the walls were straight, but that there were five of them. She looked up, and there was a heavy weight of bound hair on her head, and this preoccupied her, so she did not examine the strange clawed creatures that writhed, black and red and yellow, against that ceiling. She lowered her head again, puzzled, for she had never been in this room before, and yet its red walls seemed familiar to her. Drink, said the man again, and his voice was impatient. Drink. The goblet in his outstretched hand trembled very slightly, and she wondered why he was so eager for her to take the cup. She tried to look up into his face, but he wore a cloak with a hood, a red cloak, so bright that it hurt the eyes, and the hood was so deep she could not see the face within it. Drink, he said, half mad with impatience, and it occurred to her at last that this was not Luthe she stood before. Drink. Then she looked again at her left hand and arm, and she thought calmly. That is not my hand; this one is smaller, and the fingers are more delicate than ever mine were. She withdrew the hand, and put it to her head, and pulled a wisp of her hair free, and held it before her eyes. It was the color it had used to be, before Maur burned it; but the hairs of it were finer. Aerin, said the red man; you shall take this, and drink it. In a voice not hers she replied: No. But the voice despaired and the red man heard the despair, and thrust the goblet at her the more eagerly, knowing that he would succeed. Drink. Slowly, hopelessly, her left hand reached out again, and took the goblet, and held it to her lips; but she did not taste what was within it, for she heard her name again, and paused. Aerin. This was not the red man’s voice, but another one, familiar to her. Aerin. The voice was Luthe’s voice, and frantic. The red man heard it too, and whirled around; the cloak spun on his shoulders, but still she saw nothing of his face. Luthe! he cried. You shall not have her! Luthe’s voice laughed weakly. No, I won’t; but I shall have the other one; you shall not have them both. Then there was a roaring around her, and it seemed that the red walls of the five-sided chamber were angry red mouths; but then the red faded to grayness, and yet still the roaring went on; and suddenly the grayness was the grayness of stone walls, not the pale stone of Luthe’s hall, but the grey and darker grey and dull red and black of her City; but before its walls lay a desert plain, empty and barren, and three of the four monoliths that marked the City gates lay on their sides, and she saw no folk anywhere. She opened her mouth to scream, but her mouth filled with silver water, and she choked, and struck out with her hands; and felt sunlight on her face. Next she realized that she had a stiff neck; and then found she was stiff all over, from lying on †¦ rocks. No wonder she hurt. The dreams faded under the onslaught of the physical discomfort. She bent an elbow to prop herself up on, and then thought to open her eyes first. Trees, blue sky. Stones. She pulled herself up on the elbow. Stones, trees, blue sky. Lake. Luthe. He sat up beside her. â€Å"Ack,† he said, and stretched cautiously. He was soaking wet; it occurred to her then that she was too, although they were some distance from the water’s edge – nearer, in fact, to the trees. Then there was a familiar stomp and whiffle behind her, and she reached up without looking to encounter Talat’s silky cheek. Luthe was getting to his feet; he looked as stiff as she felt. He watched her inscrutably as she staggered to her feet and stood beside him. The lake’s surface was smooth as glass. It was strangely silent where they stood; she heard nothing but the distant chirp of a bird and the occasional whisk of Talat’s tail. Nothing. â€Å"I can breathe,† she whispered. â€Å"Ah,† said Luthe. â€Å"Yes, I hoped for that.† Then the cacophony of her dreams rushed back. The red man she discarded, but – â€Å"My City – â€Å" Luthe’s inscrutable look settled over his face as if it was there for life. â€Å"Later.† â€Å"Later? The end of my land, my City, my people? Later?† My land, a far-off thought said to her mockingly. My City. My people. â€Å"Yes, later,† he said gruffly. â€Å"It hasn’t happened yet, and your destiny lies elsewhere.† She stood rooted to the ground, staring at him. â€Å"My destiny lies elsewhere,† she said in a high voice. â€Å"My destiny has always lain †¦ elsewhere.† His face softened. â€Å"Yes, that’s true, but not quite the way you think. Come. I’ll tell you what I can – of what you need to know. We’ll have to hope it’s enough.† â€Å"It will have to be enough,† she said fiercely, and as he looked into her eyes they were golden from the flames of her dreams; and he feared then for what he had done. â€Å"I had no choice,† he murmured to himself, but Aerin, still fierce in her fear, said, â€Å"I can’t hear you. What are you saying?† Luthe shook his head. â€Å"Nothing that will do you any service to hear. Come, then. What has happened to you is not all bad.† How to cite The Hero And The Crown Part Two Chapter 16, Essay examples

Sales Planning free essay sample

The delivery service which started with 3 bikes has now expanded to 3 delivery bikes and the crew has increased from 15 employees to 62 employees. With the demand expansion they have been able to increase the supply from 36000 donuts per month to 80000 donuts per months. With all these expansions they are now able to match the supply with demand avoiding customer disappointments. 1. 1. 2GNWD Cup Cake Concept ‘Cup cakes’ are a new product range introduced by GNWD to its customers in the recent past. As GNWD’s flagship product is donuts, the management have been considering in diversifying its product range in to cupcakes. Since there are no other challenging competitors in the market, GNWD believe that the Cup cake concept will be a better customer attraction for the business aided by its pre- built reputation for donuts. In tuning in this Cup Cake concept in to its existing donut market, GNWD has been making use of certain advertising mechanisms and personal selling techniques. We will write a custom essay sample on Sales Planning or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Following segment of research explains the mechanisms of advertising and personals selling used in effective Cup Cake promotions by GNWD. 1. 1. 3Cupcake Promotion Objectives Create awareness about cupcakes (since cupcakes is a new product) * Persuade customers to buy cup cakes. * Create a strong customer base for a good start Advertising amp; Personal Selling GNWD has different genres of target audiences for its cup cakes. They believe that applying a common advertising slogan or message on its customer who belongs to different age categories and statuses would certainly not create any effective consumer attraction. Approaching working staff in the exact tone of approaching teenagers will never be successful since different age categories has different mind sets in looking at and understanding things. Therefore, GNWD make use of different slogans and graphical illustrations for different audience categories. Also, GNWD had deviated from its traditional ‘Retail Outlet’ personal selling technique to more effective and creative techniques such as Order Takers amp; Order Creators. * Differing Advertising Slogans * Targeting shoppers-‘All shopping end with a cupcake’ is used as the slogan and this would attract the attention of shoppers create interest on cupcakes and there will be desire to buy cup cake while shopping and that will lead to an action to purchase a cupcake while shopping. Targeting teenagers-‘Go nuts with Cupcakes. Introducing Mr. Cupcakes† is used as the slogan in the promotion process for the teenagers and this would attract the attention of the teenagers and it would create intest and desire purchase cup cakes. They would be motivated to purchase cupcakes with the pocket money they get from their parents. * Targeting office workers-‘It is time to have a break. Enjoy a cake’ is used as the slogan and this would get the attention of the office workers creating interest and desire inside them to enjoy a cupcake while on work when they leave office in the evening. 1. 1. Mixing Advertising amp; Personal Selling In the most common scenario, GNWD exploit only personal selling in selling its products. As mentioned above, in entering in to the market with a new phase, GNWD decided to diversify its personal selling techniques in to two different ways blended with advertising. * Order Takers:is the traditional sales force used at retail outlets in selling its products. In this scenario, how advertising is being used is that graphical representation advertising such as tripod banners, posters and digital signage solutions in illustrating persuasive information about GNWD cup cakes. Order Creators:is the sales force allocated in creating sales opportunities by negotiating with its customers. Such sales force will be included with sales representatives who negotiate with hotels, schools, cafes, companies amp; etc in person to convince its buyers to purchase cup cakes from GNWD in including them in their cafeterias. Most frequently, these negotiations happens over E- Mails where the sales representatives attach product catalogues of GNWD for advertising.